In the three years since Captain Ibrahim Traore seized power in Burkina Faso, he has become something of an internet sensation. On social media, he's often compared to iconic leaders of Africa's independence movements. But human rights organizations tell a very different story. So how can this stark contrast be explained?

A new chapter began for Burkina Faso on September 30, 2022, when a group of military officers led by Captain Ibrahim Traore staged a coup. His predecessor, Paul-Henri Sandaogo Damiba, had only months earlier ousted the last democratically elected president, Roch Marc Christian Kabore, and declared himself head of state.

Traore justified his own takeover by citing the worsening threat of terrorism. He promised to defeat the extremists within six months and hold democratic elections within a year.

Neither promise has been fulfilled. Instead, Traore has systematically consolidated power, restructuring the military, appointing loyalists to government posts and clamping down on opposition voices and the press. Just six months after taking control, he announced that elections were "not a priority."

He also reshaped the country's foreign alliances, starting with the former colonial power, France, which had been its closest partner in the fight against terrorism. In January 2023, Traore ordered French troops to leave.

He instead aligned Burkina Faso with two neighboring military-led regimes, Mali and Niger, forming the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). Together, the three countries withdrew from the ECOWAS regional bloc and the G5 Sahel security alliance. They formed a new strategic partnership with Russia, which now provides both political and rhetorical backing.

Despite these bold moves, Traore has yet to achieve his core mission: defeating terrorism. On August 24, 2024, militants attacked the northern town of Barsalogho, killing hundreds of civilians. The security situation remains dire.

"An estimated 70% of the country is under the control of jihadist armed groups — or at least beyond the effective control of the government," Paul Melly, an expert on the Sahel region at Chatham House, London, told DW.

This is especially problematic since Traore's regime justified the coup as a response to this very security crisis. The government's current strategy is to minimize reporting on attacks and casualties.

Ibrahim Traore: The social media 'star'

Meanwhile, a dramatically different image of Ibrahim Traore circulates on social media. Pages like Traore Vision or Traore Builds Africa promote a charismatic leader who is "shocking the West" and pursuing "secret masterplans" to transform Burkina Faso into a pan-African economic powerhouse.

"Internationally, Traore has crafted the image of a young, dynamic revolutionary standing up to the former colonial power, France," says Melly. "And he really does have enormous reach on social media." 

In this way, the 37-year-old ruler contrasts sharply with what many see as a complacent, out-of-touch political elite.

At the heart of his image is anti-French, anti-Western rhetoric that often invokes Thomas Sankara, the iconic Burkinabe leader of the 1980s who championed radical independence from France. Sankara was assassinated in 1987, and his successor, Blaise Compaore, steered the country back toward France-aligned policies.

According to exiled journalist Justin Yarga, now based in Sweden, Traore and his allies deliberately use media campaigns to distract from domestic failures, particularly in the fight against terrorism.

Shaping internal and external narratives

But even when journalists like Yarga expose Traore's junta-led government strategy, the findings gain little traction within Burkina Faso.

"I remember people responding to our investigation by saying, 'We don't care—even if it's propaganda. All that matters is that they're [Traore's government] right about France,'" he told DW.

Kenyan columnist and political blogger Patrick Gathara agrees. "I think people are fundamentally searching for saviors," Gathara told DW, referring to the broader Sahel region. "But we need to be cautious about presenting these figures as miracle solutions for problems that are systemic in nature." 

According to him, the issue isn't just about finding better leaders but building institutions that limit power and enforce accountability.

That seems increasingly difficult in Burkina Faso. Just last week, the country passed a sweeping new "Family Law" that, for the first time in the nation's history, same-sex relationships are now criminalized.

Ousmane Aly Diallo of Amnesty International criticized the law, saying military regimes in Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger are eager to sever ties with the West.

"This is now reflected in the norms and customs of Burkinabe society," he told DW. "The desire for sovereignty is being abused by introducing measures that discriminate and potentially violate the principle of equality before the law."

The new law also includes other authoritarian measures, such as allowing the government to strip Burkinabe citizenship from individuals who publicly criticize President Traore.

Tomi Oladipo and Saleh Mwanamilongo contributed to this article

This article was originally written in German