What do "normal" German citizens do on the German national holiday? They enjoy a day off, get together with family or friends and, if weather permits, they may venture out on walks or bicycle trips. They also like to eat something good, whether at home or out. As such, the national holiday is unlikely to be of much, if any, interest to them.

What do "normal" Chinese citizens do on the Chinese national holiday? They may either work, since many businesses, including restaurants, are open for the day, or they may enjoy some time off, get together with family or friends, and go out for walks. And they are more than likely to indulge in some good food. As such, the national holiday is unlikely to be of much, if any, interest to them.

Making an impression

The year, however, the People's Republic of China is celebrating its sixtieth birthday. This is a very important anniversary in Chinese tradition - even more important than the fiftieth. The Chinese government saw it fit to celebrate the occasion by staging a huge military and civilian parade in the centre of Beijing, finishing off with a gigantic show party on Tiananmen Square.

While the logistical effort that went into all this is certainly admirable, the patriotic vocabulary used in the speeches, propaganda and songs presented there was disturbing. The demonstration of power embodied in the mobilization and coordination of thousands of persons marching in step and in huge pictures created by groups of dancing actors was enough to give the observer goose-bumps.

Keeping up appearances?

Any doubts as to whether China is capable of organizing events of this magnitude were already dispelled during the opening ceremonies for the 2008 Summer Olympics in Beijing. But why China needs all this is a question not so easily answered.

Is what we see here merely a strong, self-confident state celebrating its own existence? A rising world power that feels a need to demonstrate its military and logistical prowess to the rest of the world and perhaps even use it as a threat? Or is it just an insecure regime using gargantuan festivities to disguise existing problems?

Perhaps the truth lies somewhere in between. When in 1949 Mao Zedong proclaimed the People’s Republic, China was a very poor country shaken by war and civil conflict. The first successes of the new regime were shattered when Mao opted for the Great Leap Forward to expedite national development. This huge social experiment ended in miserable failure, and its consequence was a famine that has left indelible marks on the country's birth and death statistics.

In the aftermath, Mao's opponents first sought to curb his influence, but in response Mao launched the Cultural Revolution in 1966, which thrust the country into a state of turmoil close to civil war. While the tide of the Cultural Revolution had already begun to subside in 1969, it was not until 1978 that the Chinese government, under Deng Xiaoping, was able to launch a set of deep-reaching economic reforms. These in turn constituted the foundation for China’s headlong course of economic development. Building on them, China committed itself to developing a socialist market economy in 1992 - a move on which it followed up in 2001 by joining the World Trade Organization.

A modern power

While today's China is still a developing nation, it is no longer poor in all parts. Beijing, Shanghai, and some other Chinese cities and regions have become thriving economic centers, attracting trade, investment and, increasingly, labor from all over the world. These are successes that the Chinese government sees as worthy of celebration and that, we might perhaps add, rightly deserve to be celebrated.

China's economic rise has made the country more powerful. It is now a member of the World Trade Organization, a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, and a member of the new G-20 club. A number of important global challenges are virtually bound to not get solved without China's cooperation. But, thanks to its political system as well as its new economic power, China is not necessarily on friendly terms with everyone. And for that reason the Chinese government may think: It couldn't hurt to exhibit the country's weapons arsenal and to show off its national capacities to develop and build weapons systems and fighter aircraft of its own - despite all of its solemn assurances that it seeks only friendly relations with all other countries.

Tensions under the surface

The demonstration of strength was certainly also addressed to a domestic audience. Tensions in the country have, in recent years, tended to increase rather than fade. Major income disparities, widespread corruption, suppression of freedom of the press, disgruntlement over cases of expropriation and environmental scandals, and, not least, violent expressions of dissatisfaction on the part of the indigenous populations in Tibet and Xinjiang - all this has repeatedly demonstrated to the Chinese government that social peace in China continues to be elusive and fragile. The events of 1989 have not been forgotten, either - one more reason why on the national holiday there was just as much talk of harmony, peace, and stability as there was of China’s pride and self-confidence. The idea seems to be that these elements will serve as "cement" that continues to hold the country together, in the future as well. Whether or not the constant, mantra-style repetition of slogans of this kind will really turn out to be a self-fulfilling prophecy is an entirely different matter.

It is perhaps reassuring to know that "normal" Chinese citizens - in other words, those who were not obliged to march in step or dance on Tiananmen Square - this year once again made use of their day off to take long walks with their families and to enjoy good meals. It was this behavior that gave the day its relaxed character, and provided some relief from the awe-inspiring scenes to be observed in the centre of Beijing. It may well be that it is mostly the Chinese government that needs gargantuan celebrations, while the general population has other interests. Perhaps the Chinese authorities will one day come to realize that that the benefits of any such demonstration of power are bound to be smaller than the costs, which are sure to be enormous.

Dr. Doris Fischer is a researcher in the Competitiveness and Social Development department at the German Development Institute (DIE).

Based in Bonn, the German Development Institute draws together the knowledge of development research available worldwide, dedicating its work to key issues facing the future of development policy. It consults on the basis of independent research findings in Germany and worldwide and deals with current issues in cooperation between industrial and developing countries.