Gustavo Petro's new government has big plans; peace is said to be the key to reforms. On a visit to Bogota, Germany's Development Minister Svenja Schulze promised to support the peace process.
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Eulalia Luango is one of the many victims of Colombia's brutal civil war: She can't stop her tears when she talks about her two missing sons. Wilmer was 14 at the time, and Robinson was a year older. "Since 2009 I have been on a path of suffering because I didn't know why and how they took them," says Luango. "A mother's deepest wish is to hold the remains of her children in her hands and to give them a dignified burial." Visibly moved, Germany's Development Minister Svenja Schulze asks Luango how she finds the strength to get through it all and keep fighting.
Bogota is the development chief's first stop on her trip to Latin America. She takes a lot of time to speak with and listen to the victims, in order to understand where Colombia is in the peace process.
A bloody civil war lasting more than half a century lies behind Colombia. The crimes committed are nearly unimaginable: over 450,000 dead, another 121,000 disappeared, almost eight million displaced, and thousands more child soldiers were forcibly recruited.
Colombia: 5 years after FARC deal, peace remains elusive
In September 2016, the Colombian government signed a peace deal with the rebel group FARC. DW looks at the guerrillas who started out as leftist idealists and ended up as hostage-takers, racketeers and mass murderers.
Image: picture-alliance/dpa
From ragged rebellion to military might
In the mid-20th century, Colombia saw a raging battle between different political camps. Left-wing rebel groups founded independent republics in remote areas, which were gradually taken over by government forces. Two of the leaders of the "Republica de Marquetalia" escaped, however. In 1966, Manuel Marulanda and Jacobo Arenas (left) founded the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia or FARC.
Image: ALATPRESS/AFP
A life dedicated to armed struggle
In the inaccessible Amazon region, farmers who knew the land well were tactically superior to the more cumbersome Colombian army. The FARC picked up strategies from other guerrilla groups in Latin America and began recruiting students and slum dwellers from the cities. That allegedly included more than 18,000 minors. Women, too, joined in. However, they were strictly forbidden to have children.
Image: ALATPRESS/AFP
Mercenaries, drug traffickers, racketeers
To fund themselves, the guerrillas entered the drug trade. They moonlighted as mercenaries for the cocaine cartels and later participated in cultivation. Though the Colombian army, with the help of the US, destroyed plantations and drug labs (photo), the rebels raked in plenty of cash. At times, the rebels controlled an area as large as Switzerland. They also levied a "revolutionary tax" there.
Image: Guillermo Legaria/AFP
Kidnappings as a lucrative business model
The FARC is estimated to have earned hundreds of millions of US dollars each year. Part of the reason was another flourishing business model – the rebel group is believed to have been behind nearly 10,000 kidnappings from 1970 to 2010. The most prominent victim was presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt in 2002. It took six years for the Colombian army to free Betancourt and 14 other hostages.
Image: Remi Ochlik/MAXPPP/picture alliance/dpa
The struggle for peace
As early as the 1980s, the FARC negotiated an initial, fragile cease-fire with the Colombian government. Some members tried to help to shape policies in political parties. In the 1990s, they presented a 10-point political program. In 2001, FARC leader Manuel Marulanda (right) met with President Andres Pastrana (left) for renewed peace talks. But success proved elusive.
The FARC and the Colombian government were unable to reach a deal in part because the rebels widened their campaign of terror during the talks. They attacked military posts and police stations with explosive devices and raids. They showed no consideration for civilian victims — as seen here in Medellín in 2003, when a car bomb injured 30 people and killed six, including a small child.
Image: Vergara/AFP/picture alliance/dpa
Left and right-wing terror
Till today, it remains unclear who was behind the massacre of 119 civilians in this church in May 2002. In addition to the FARC, suspicions have centered on right-wing paramilitary groups. Most of the approximately 250,000 people killed in the ongoing conflict were civilians caught between the fronts or murdered as political opponents, suspected collaborators or family members of opponents.
Image: picture-alliance/dpa
A weakened guerrilla group
Colombian President Alvaro Uribe, elected in 2002, intensified the fight against the rebels. On March 1, 2008, soldiers killed the FARC's deputy chief, Raul Reyes. Shortly thereafter, Manuel Marulanda died. His successor was also killed in a skirmish in 2011. By the end of Uribe's presidency in 2008, FARC troop numbers dropped to about 8,000 from 20,000 during the 1990s. Most people deserted.
Image: MAURICIO DUENAS/AFP/Getty Images
The controversial peace deal
Weakened by its losses, the FARC began peace talks with the new president, Juan Manuel Santos (left). The negotiations took place in Cuba. On September 26, 2016, FARC rebel leader Timoleon Jimenez (center) and Santos signed the peace treaty. But just a week later, a narrow majority of Colombians voted against it in a non-binding referendum.
Image: picture-alliance/dpa/M. Castaneda
Disarming the rebels
By signing the peace deal, the FARC agreed to disarm. A few hundred rebels refused, while the remaining 7,000 were ready to reintegrate into civilian life. Only those suspected of having committed human rights violations were to be brought before a special court. In early 2021, members of the group’s leadership were also indicted for the first time, including leader Timoleon Jimenez.
Image: Fernando Vergara/AP Photo/picture alliance
Reconciliation between rebels and victims
Some former FARC fighters are actively working for reconciliation with the Colombian people and especially their victims. Here, ex-rebel Rodrigo Granda meets with the sister of two kidnapping victims to apologize for the wrongs committed. Former hostages, too, have been engaging in reintegration projects.
Image: Fernando Vergara/AP Photo/picture-alliance
Goal of lasting peace still elusive
The FARC has now transitioned into a political party. But many members believe the peace treaty has been violated because the government didn’t implement key elements. Some rebels have returned to armed resistance. That includes the two chief peace treaty negotiators, Ivan Marquez and Jesus Santrich. In mid-2019, they announced in a video that the "second Marquetalia" had begun.
Image: Juan Barreto/AFP/Getty Images
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Can reconciliation succeed?
"The most important thing for Colombia now is reconciliation," Francisco de Roux tells Svenja Schulze. The 79-year-old Jesuit priest is a figurehead for peace. Many people in Colombia see him as a saint, because of the attention he has paid to the war's victims. As President of the Truth Commission, de Roux processed the facts of the armed conflict and presented the horrific results to Colombians.
He rides up to his early-morning appointment with the German minister on a small bike. For four long years, the Truth Commission has spoken to victims and perpetrators, conducting more than 30,000 interviews across the country.
"Germany was one of the most important international supporters of the truth commission," says de Roux. "It stands for a system of trust, peace, and justice." Now he hopes that Germany will continue to support the reconciliation process. Even though Colombian society is divided, the vast majority of Colombians support peace, says the Jesuit: "Colombia is in a moment of hope."
Petro government has ambitious goals
That hope is also shared by Colombia's newly sworn-in president. Gustavo Petro is the first left-wing president of the traditionally conservative country. He has promised the Colombians peace and wants to implement the recommendations for structural reforms presented by Father de Roux's Truth Commission.
Petro has promised reforms in almost every political area: land reform, tax reform, health care reform, ecological restructuring of the economy, and reform of the police and military. The president also wants to take up the fight against poverty in a country where 40% of the population lives below the poverty line and where incomes are extremely unequally distributed.
"This government came into office with a vision and raised great expectations. Noticeable improvements must now be made quickly," says Stefan Peters, director of Capaz, a German-Colombian peace institute based in Bogota. If the promised reforms stall, he says, there is a risk that there will be violent protests from the disappointed electorate.
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Germany to continue support
"Development policy is an essential part of security policy," said Schulze after her talks. She underlined that development police must prioritize human security and peaceful society in the truest sense of the word, and said that the new Petro government marks a turning point in Colombian history.
And yet: the bloody conflict smolders on and on, despite the historic 2016 peace deal with the FARC guerrillas. "Social activists, human rights activists, trade unionists, and journalists still live very dangerous lives. The drug economy is flourishing, entire regions are in the hands of armed actors and are out of state control," says Peters.
The women who search for their missing relatives also report experiencing violence and attempts at intimidation when they fight for their rights and against being forgotten. "Don't forget us fighting women!" Eulalia Luango told the development minister. Svenja Schulze promises: "Germany will continue to support Colombia in the peace process. We will not leave you alone."
This article was originally written in German.
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