What changes will Germany's election bring for culture?
Stefan Dege | Bettina Baumann
September 27, 2021
Germany has voted. What are the parties planning in terms of cultural policy — at home and abroad? An overview of the most important tasks ahead.
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It may be some time before Germany forms a new government. How German cultural policy will look after the election depends on the composition of the future coalition.
Until that is decided, it may be helpful to look at the election programs of the possible governing parties. The spectrum has never been so broad. It ranges from the previous coalition partners, the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and its sister party in Bavaria, the Christian Social Union (CSU), and the Social Democratic Party (SPD), to the Greens, the liberal FDP and the Left (die Linken).
In principle, all parties that want to govern place great importance on foreign cultural and educational policy and want to promote or further expand it, with perhaps new accents.
How does Germany deal with looted art?
The topic of looted art — be it Nazi- or colonial-looted art — has gained momentum in recent years, not least due to the debate surrounding Berlin's Humboldt Forum and the art trove discovered in a Munich apartment in 2012, when officials uncovered artworks worth more than a billion dollars at the home of Cornelius Gurlitt, son of Nazi-era art dealer Hildebrand Gurlitt.
Gurlitt Collection: Germany's most infamous Nazi-looted art trove
So far, only 14 works were proven to have been looted under the Nazis among the some 1,500 found in Gurlitt's hoard.
Image: Bundeskunsthalle / Foto: David Ertl
Carl Spitzweg, 'Playing the Piano,' ca. 1840
This drawing by Carl Spitzweg was seized in 1939 from Jewish music publisher Heinri Hinrichsen, who was killed at the Auschwitz death camp in 1942. It was acquired by Nazi art dealer Hildebrand Gurlitt — and later found among the spectacular collection of works hoarded by his son, Cornelius Gurlitt. The work was auctioned by Christie's at the request of Hinrichsen's heirs.
Image: Staatsanwaltschaft Augsburg/Lost Art Datenbank
Max Beckmann, 'Zandvoort Beach Cafe,' 1934
The watercolor by the Jewish painter Max Beckmann entered Gurlitt's collection only in 1945. Held by the allied occupation forces at the Central Collecting Point in Wiesbaden from 1945-1950, it was returned to Hildebrand Gurlitt in 1950. Before working for the Nazi regime, Gurlitt had collected and exhibited modern art, curating Beckmann's last exhibition in 1936 before the artist fled Germany.
Image: Bundeskunsthalle / Foto: David Ertl
Otto Griebel, 'Veiled Woman,' 1926
This work was owned by lawyer and art collector Fritz Salo Glaser. Artists of Dresden's avant-garde scene were his guests in the 1920s — as was the young Hildebrand Gurlitt. It is not known how Gurlitt came to possess the painting. It was confiscated in 1945 and later returned. Of Jewish heritage, Glaser only narrowly avoided deportation to the Theresienstadt concentration camp in 1945.
Image: Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland GmbH / Foto: David Ertl
Claude Monet, 'Waterloo Bridge,' 1903
This painting by the famous impressionist is not suspected to have been looted. The artist sold it to the Durand Ruel Gallery in 1907. The Jewish art merchant and publisher Paul Cassirer is said to have given it to Marie Gurlitt as a present, and she left it to her son Hildebrand Gurlitt in 1923.
Image: Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland GmbH / Foto: David Ertl
Thomas Couture, 'Portrait of a Seated Young Woman,' 1850
A short handwritten note allowed provenance researchers to identify this work by the French painter as a looted work of art. The picture was seized from the collection of Jewish politician and resistance leader Georges Mandel, who was executed by French fascists near Paris in 1944. German Culture Minister Monika Grütters (right) handed over the work to Mandel's heirs in January 2019.
Image: picture-alliance/AP Photo/M. Schreiber
Paul Signac, 'Quai de Clichy,' 1887
The activist group Provenance Research Gurlitt identified this painting by French neo-impressionist Paul Signac as stolen Jewish property in October 2018. Gaston Prosper Levy fled Nazi-occupied France in 1940. Occupying soldiers are believed to have looted his art collection shortly before his escape. The painting was returned to Levy's family in 2019.
Image: picture-alliance/Keystone/A. Anex
Auguste Rodin, 'Crouching Woman,' approx. 1882
Hildebrand Gurlitt must have acquired this work by the French sculptor between 1940 and 1945. Previously belonging to the Frenchman Eugene Rudier, it entered circulation in 1919 at an auction by Octave Henri Marie Mirbeau, who is said to have received it as a present from the artist.
Image: Bundeskunsthalle / Foto: David Ertl
Albrecht Dürer, Knight, Death and Devil, 1513
This copper engraving by Albrecht Dürer once belonged to the Falkeisen-Huber Gallery in Basel. It is not known how it got there or how long it was there however. In 2012 the engraving turned up in Cornelius Gurlitt's collection. "Old masters" like Dürer were very important to the National Socialists' view of art and were often exploited for propaganda.
Image: Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland GmbH / Foto: David Ertl
Edvard Munch, 'Ashes II,' 1899
The provenance of this drawing is completely unknown. It is certain, however, that Hitler considered Norwegian artist Edvard Munch's work "degenerate art." Some 82 pieces by Munch were confiscated in German museums in 1937.
Image: Bundeskunsthalle/Foto: Mick Vincenz
Francois Boucher, 'Male Nude,' undated
Hitler venerated 18th-century French painting. He secured exceptional paintings for his own collection by targeting the collection of the Rothschild Family after the annexation of Austria. Hildebrand Gurlitt supplemented them with drawings by renowned French painters. He acquired this work by Boucher from a Parisian art merchant in 1942.
Image: Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland GmbH / Foto: David Ertl
In Gurlitt's apartment
Cornelius Gurlitt hoarded the sculpture along with many other artworks for decades in his Munich apartment. Before his death in 2014, he consented to have his stocks researched and — should they include articles of stolen art — have them returned to their rightful owners in accordance with the Washington Principles on Nazi-looted art.
Image: privat/Nachlass Cornelius Gurlitt
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Germany has indeed expanded provenance research, but a restitution law that obliges museums and collections to investigate the origin of their holdings in order to help their rightful owners return them more quickly is still not in place.
The CDU/CSU parties do not explicitly address this issue in their election program. Provenance research on Nazi art theft as well as on "cultural property confiscations during the SED's [the former East German communist party — Editors' note] dictatorship and colonialism," writes the CDU/CSU, must remain a "cultural policy focus. "
The Greens and the Left Party, on the other hand, are in favor of a restitution law for art unlawfully obtained during the Nazi era, and the Left is also in favor of a law on colonial-looted art. And the Greens also want to anchor the handling of East German-looted art in legal statutes.
The Greens, the SPD and the Left Party promise to devote more attention to the reappraisal and remembrance culture of German colonial crimes. Only the Greens specify that this should be done in "close cooperation with the descendants and civil society initiatives of the former colonized and aggrieved worldwide," and they also raise the issue of joint "history book commissions" with former colonized states.
Who represents Germany abroad?
Important pillars of German cultural mediation abroad are, in addition to Deutsche Welle, the cultural institution Goethe Institute, German schools abroad and exchange programs such as those of the German Academic Exchange Service (DAAD).
The Social Democratic Party SPD does emphasize the importance of the Goethe Institute in its election platform. However, there is no mention of expanding funding.
Other parties have been more specific: The CDU/CSU want to make the intermediary organizations "more active ambassadors" for Germany. Goethe Institutes, schools abroad and the DAAD are to be encouraged "to promote Germany everywhere and to provide information about opportunities for studying and training in our country," they have said. How this is to be done has remained unaddressed.
The FDP wants to increase federal spending on cultural funding — both nationally and internationally. Digitization is the order of the day, and not just for the neoliberals. The FDP is also looking to the European Union: the EU's External Action Service should also focus more on international cultural relations, they say, with its own department.
The Greens say they want to provide the Goethe Institute and schools abroad with better funding and improve their digital infrastructure. The environmentalist party also wants to set up "programs for persecuted artists and scientists."
Goethe-Institut: Celebrating 70 years
The Goethe-Institut was founded on August 9, 1951. It quickly developed into Germany's emissary for language and culture.
Image: Michael Friedel/Goethe-Institut
Founded in Munich
Six years after WWII ended, the Goethe-Institut was officially launched, replacing the Deutsche Akademie (DA). In the beginning, the institute concentrated primarily on training foreign German language teachers. In this picture, language students from Ghana are seen taking a walk with their host family in Murnau, Bavaria.
Image: Michael Friedel/Goethe-Institut
A positive image of Germany
In the early years, the aim of the institute was to transmit a positive image of Germany after WWII. In 1952, the first institute was opened in Athens, Greece. Other cities followed, like in Mumbai, India (pictured), where the institute is named after German Indologist, Max Mueller. In Germany, courses were offered in idyllic locations.
Image: Michael Friedel/Goethe-Institut
Propaganda and spy hub
Politically, the Goethe-Institut was Germany's attempt at starting afresh because ultimately, the Deutsche Akademie, which was founded in 1925, had become a tool for Nazi propaganda. In 1945, the American occupying forces dismantled the Akademie, which they thought was a "Europe-wide propaganda and spying hub" for the Nazis. This picture shows language students in Schwäbisch Hall in the 1970s.
Image: Goethe-Institut
Jazz in Goethe's name
In the following years, more and more Goethe Institutes opened in different countries across the world, for example in North and West Africa, where, in the 1950s and 1960s, new countries emerged after the end of colonialism. The institute and its representatives were popular in Asia as well. German saxophonist, Klaus Doldinger (far right), is seen here with musicians in Pakistan.
Image: Goethe-Institut
Putting German culture on the map
Language labs were the trend for learning German in the 1980s. The institute has since realigned itself strategically by forming a wide global network through its affiliations with German cultural institutions that are active abroad. Today, nearly 169 institutes in 98 countries disseminate information on German culture and language.
Image: Michael Friedel/Goethe-Institut
Pelting the Ayatollah with lingerie
In 1987, Dutch comedian Rudi Carrell caused a stir when he presented a sketch on a German TV program, showing people hurling brassieres and women's panties at Iran's revolutionary leader, Ayatollah Khomeini. An angry Tehran dismissed German diplomats, canceled flights to Germany, and closed down the Goethe-Institut there.
Image: Dieter Klar/dpa/picture alliance
Looking East
After the fall of the Iron Curtain, the Goethe-Institut spread its wings towards eastern Europe. The founders of the first institutes in the former communist countries had to improvise a lot. In 1992, the German Foreign Minister, Klaus Kinkel, inaugurated the Goethe-Institut in Moscow. The institute not only grew outside Germany, but also within the former East Germany.
Image: Goethe-Institut
Promoting peace and understanding
The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the US also shifted the focus of the Goethe-Institut. Intercultural dialogue and understanding became its top priorities. The institute now focuses on strengthening civil society and preventing conflict. This picture shows the art and music project "Kunstdisco" in Seoul, South Korea.
Image: Goethe-Institut
Dancing with robots
In 2016, the Goethe-Institut started the "Kultursymposium Weimar," where thinkers from all over the world discuss pressing questions of our times. In 2019, the festival was themed "Die Route wird neu berechnet" (The route is being recalibrated), where participants discussed technological changes in society. In this picture, Taiwanese dancer and inventor, Huang Yi, dances with the robot KUKA.
Image: Goethe-Institut
A well-rounded image of Germany
The institute regularly organizes the "Deutschlandjahre" (The Year of Germany) events together with the Foreign Office. The event's aim is to promote a well-rounded image of the country. The "Deutschlandjahr" 2018/19 in the US saw a total of two million guests attending 2,800 events. The previous year's events were held in Mexico, where Chancellor Angela Merkel was a guest.
Image: Goethe-Institut
70 years and counting
The COVID pandemic triggered a wave of digitalization within the institute. Helmed by President Carola Lentz and Secretary General Johannes Ebert, the institute is celebrating its 70th anniversary in November 2021. A book by Carola Lentz has been released to mark the event, and an interactive website introduces readers to the institution's eventful history.
Image: Goethe-Institut
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How much culture can Germany afford?
Never before has the federal government spent so much money on culture. For the first time, the budget for the Commission on Culture and the Media, until now led by CDU politician Monika Grütters, exceeded the €2-billion ($2.34-billion) mark, supplemented by 1 billion for the economic stimulus and rescue program "Neustart Kultur," launched during the pandemic last year.
How generous the new federal government will be — and can be — depends on the cash situation, but also on the intentions of the possible government partners.
The previous coalition parties, CDU/CSU and SPD, wanted and still want to help pandemic-damaged cultural and creative industries get back on their feet quickly. The Greens, the FDP and the Left Party also see themselves as having a duty to do so, albeit with different emphases.
The ideas range from a culture-friendly "strengthening of the framework conditions" (CDU/CSU, SPD) to support programs for small businesses and the self-employed (SPD, FDP) to appropriate fee regulations for cultural workers (CDU/CSU, SPD, Greens, FDP and Left Party).
Several parties want to optimize the "Künstlersozialkasse" — the social insurance for cultural and media professionals (Greens, Left Party, FDP, CDU/CSU).
The topic of digitalization is on the agenda of almost all parties. The Greens, for example, have announced a federal government investment program.
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How does Germany organize its culture?
Culture Commissioner Monika Grütters has stressed that she would like to continue her work after the election. Whether she can depends on how the parties organize after forming a government. A continuation of the major coalition between the CDU/CSU and the SPD — this time under the leadership of an SPD chancellor, Olaf Scholz — was considered unlikely until recently.
There are signs of movement regarding the future structure of the Federal Commissioner for Culture and the Media (BKM). Launched more than 20 years ago by then Chancellor Gerhard Schröder of the SDP, the agency is to be upgraded — according to the ideals of the SPD, the Greens and the Left Party — to a "genuine" federal ministry of culture.
The CDU/CSU and FDP, on the other hand, want to keep the supreme cultural administration in the chancellor's office.
The Greens believe that more responsibilities could be "bundled" in the BKM. The CDU/CSU has not ruled this out, either. At present, an additional minister of state in the Foreign Ministry is responsible for foreign cultural policy.
Finally, the likely rare alliance of SPD, FDP, Left Party and Greens is promoting the anchoring of culture as a state objective in Germany's Basic Law; the CDU/CSU at least wants to "examine" the possible advantages.
Despite initial resistance, cultural cooperation between the federal and state governments seems sufficiently established — after 21 years of the BKM. Although culture in Germany is a state matter according to the Basic Law, almost all potential governing parties would like to see more cooperation. The FDP is even calling for a "cooperation imperative" from the federal and state governments — for education and culture, while the Left Party stresses that "the states and municipalities need sufficient funds to finance culture."