Artists and intellectuals in Spain, including Mario Vargas Llosa and Pedro Almodovar, respond to the political standoff after the referendum for Catalonian independence.
Image: Reuters/A. Gea
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Even before the referendum, Peruvian-born Spanish Literature Nobel Prize winner Mario Vargas Llosa has called Catalonia's independence process an "illness that is spreading in Catalonia, absurd nonsense, an anachronism that has nothing to do with the reality of our times." Vargas Llosa is one of more than 1,000 intellectuals who published and signed a manifesto in September in the Spanish daily El Pais.
The signatories criticize the Spanish central government's blockade politics and its reticence to enter into a dialogue on the Catalonia issue, but they also urged all Catalans not to participate in this "illegal, undemocratic and opaque" referendum. Signatories included Catalan director Isabel Coixet and Pedro Almodovar, songwriter Joan Manuel Serrat, writers Javier Marias, Juan Marse and Nuria Amat.
Their engagement with the issue was not well-received by some. Isabel Coixet, whose film "Nobody Wants the Night" opened the 65th Berlin Film Festival two years ago, faced severe criticism from the separatist camp for her commitment to Spanish unity, so much so that she felt compelled to declare she was "not a fascist."
Nobel Prize winner Mario Vargas Llosa came out in favor of Catalonia staying in SpainImage: picture-alliance/dpa/U. Ruiz Basurto
A disadvantage for Catalonians who think differently
The fact that the Catalan government has dismissed Catalan society's bilingualism and forced the exclusiveness of Catalan has led to a "systematic exclusion from institutions and cultural life of Spanish-speaking people engaged in the cultural sector," Cecilia Dreymüller told DW. The German literary critic, writer and translator has been living in Barcelona for the past 25 years.
Catalan author Nuria Amat, who writes in Spanish, has long felt discriminated against. "Authors like me who oppose nationalism and don't write in Catalan are systematically censored and excluded by the Catalan cultural institutions, separatist press, book publishers and universities, she argues.
Tenor José Carreras has a Catalan birth name - JosepImage: picture-alliance/dpa/J. Niering
There is a certain degree of "cowardice" among intellectuals and those involved with culture concerning open opposition to the aggressive mass of Catalan separatists," Basque philosopher Fernando Savater told the Austria Presse Agentur (APA) press agency.
Dieter Ingenschay, a cultural scientist and expert on Spanish and Latin American literature, has many friends in Spain - including "independentistas." For many intellectuals, the past, and Francoism, "plays a large role in the independence debate," he says.
Tenor José Carreras, one of the most famous nationalist artists, has what he calls a "great affection" for his little country. "And why should that be bad for Europe," he wondered in an interview with Austrian radio last year. At the start of his career, he was forbidden from using his Catalan first name, Josep, Carreras remembers, adding that he always felt he was Josep, even if all the world called him José Carreras. He is proud when people actually address him by his Catalan name, he says.
Best-selling author Albert Sánchez Piñol, who wrote "Victus: the fall of Barcelona" and "Pandora in the Congo" is likewise pro-independence.
The brutal force used by police against Catalan citizens who wanted to vote in the October 1 referendum has given new weight to arguments opposing the Spanish government under Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy. Rafael M. Mérida Jiménez, Professor of Spanish Literature and researcher at the Centre dona i literatura at Barcelona University summed it up as such: "As I see it, the central question is not 'independence, yes or no,' rather 'freedom of expression, yes or no,' 'police repression, yes or no.' I disapprove of a state that orders unwarranted police action, justifying or ignoring it."
Some are hoping for the EU to step in to mediateImage: Getty Images/AFP/J. Soriano
Between these two opposing poles is a third group, known as the Federalists. They see federalizing Spain, a process that would grant greater autonomy to the regions, as one possible alternative to independence. To do so, however, would require an amendment to the Constitution, something which has only happened twice since 1978.
How things will carry on is something no one can predict. For those working in the arts, however, things are looking bleak, said Cecilia Dreymüller. "The social and cultural plurality of Catalonia that we once knew, particularly as seen in Barcelona, is in danger of going under. That has been in motion as part of a process begun by the government of Pujol [Eds. note: Jordi Pujol was the governing head of Catalonia from 1980 to 2003], one which is not stoppable. Many in the arts have already left Catalonia and others will continue to follow."
"The argument that the referendum was against the Constitution is a serious one. But it cannot be the only one," said culture researcher Dieter Ingenschay. "I wish that the EU, although it doesn’t have a mandate to do so, would in any case step in as mediator between the two sides."
Catalonia's independence movement — a brief history
The desire of many Catalans to gain independence from Spain has a long history. The region has experienced varying levels of autonomy and repression over the centuries.
Image: picture-alliance/Prisma Archivo
Rich ancient heritage
Catalonia has been settled by the Phoenicians, the Etruscans and the Greeks, who were mainly in the coastal areas of Rosas and Empuries (above). Then came the Romans, who built more settlements and infrastructure. Catalonia remained a part of the Roman Empire until it was conquered by the Visigoths in the fifth century.
Image: Caos30
Counties and independence
Catalonia was conquered by Arabs in 711 AD. The Frankish king Charlemagne stopped their advance at Tours on the Loire River and, by 759, the north of Catalonia was once again Christian. In 1137, the counties that made up Catalonia entered an alliance with the Crown of Aragon.
Image: picture-alliance/Prisma Archiv
Autonomy and the war of succession
In the 13th century, the institutions of Catalan self-administration were created under the banner of the Generalitat de Catalunya. After the unification of the Crown of Aragon with that of Castile in 1476, Aragon was largely able to keep its autonomic institutions. However, the Catalan revolt — from 1640 to 1659 — saw parts of Catalonia ceded to present-day France.
Image: picture-alliance/Prisma Archivo
Remembrance of defeat
After the conquest of Barcelona on September 11, 1714, by the Bourbon King Phillip V, Catalan instuitutions were dissolved and self-administration came to an end. Every year, on September 11, Catalans commemorate the end of their right to autonomy.
Image: Getty Images/AFP/L. Gene
Federal ideas in wider republic
After the abdication of King Amadeo I of Spain, the first Spanish Republic was declared in February 1873. It lasted barely a year. The supporters of the Republic were split – one group supporting the idea of a centralized republic, the others wanting a federal system. Pictured here is Francisco Pi i Maragall, a supporter of federalism and one of five presidents of the short-lived republic.
Image: picture-alliance/Prisma Archivo
Failed attempt
Catalonia sought to establish a new state within the Spanish republic, but this only served to exacerbate the differences between republicans, ultimately dividing and weakening them. In 1874, the monarchy and the House of Bourbon (led by King Alfonso XII, pictured here) took the helm.
Image: picture-alliance/Quagga Illustrations
Catalan Republic
Between 1923 — with the support of the monarchy, the army and the church — General Primo de Rivera declared a dictatorship. Catalonia became a center of opposition and resistance. After the end of the dictatorship, the politician Francesc Macia (pictured here) successfully pressed for important rights of autonomy for Catalonia.
The end of freedom
In the Second Spanish Republic, Catalan lawmakers worked on the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia. This was approved by the Spanish parliament in 1932. Francesc Macia was elected president of the Generalitat of Catalonia by the Catalan parliament. However, the victory of Franco at the end of the Spanish Civil War (1936 to 1939) put an end to all that.
Image: picture-alliance/AP Photo
Loss of liberties
The Franco regime ruled with an iron rod. Political parties were banned and the Catalan language and culture were surpressed.
Image: picture alliance/AP Photo
New autonomy by statute
After the first parliamentary elections that followed the end of the Franco dictatorship, the Generalitat of Catalonia was provisionally restored. Under the democratic Spanish constitution of 1978, Catalonia was given a new Statute of Autonomy just a year later.
The new Statute of Autonomy recognized the autonomy of Catalonia and the importance of the Catalan language. In comparison to the 1932 statute, it was enhanced in the fields of culture and education but curtailed when it came to the realm of justice. Pictured here is Jordi Pujol, the long-time head of the government of Catalonia after the dictatorship.
Image: Jose Gayarre
Stronger self-awareness
A desire for independence has grown stronger in recent years. In 2006, Catalonia was given a new statute that broadened the Catalan government's powers. However, it lost these after a complaint by the conservative Popular Party to the Constitutional Court of Spain.
Image: Reuters/A.Gea
First referendum
A referendum on independence was already envisaged for November 9, 2014. The first question was "Do you want Catalonia to become a state?" In the case of an affirmative answer, the second question was posed: "Do you want this state to be independent?" However, the Constitutional Court suspended the vote.
Image: Reuters/G. Nacarino
Clash of the titans
Since January 2016, Carles Puigdemont has been president of the Catalan government. He proceeded with the separatist course of his predecessor Artur Mas and called the new referendum for October 1, 2017. Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy dismissed this as unconstitutional.
