Indian security forces killed at least 31 Maoist rebels last weekend in the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh. Two security personnel were killed and two others wounded in the skirmish.

The February 9 encounter, in the forested areas of Chhattisgarh's Bijapur district, was one of the deadliest since the government ramped up efforts to crush the long-running insurgency between the Maoist rebels, known as Naxalites, and government forces.

A month earlier, security forces shot dead at least 14 Naxalites, including a top commander.

"Another mighty blow to Naxalism," said Interior Minister Amit Shah, who has set a deadline of March 2026 to defeat the rebels.

The Naxalites — named after the district where their armed campaign began in 1967 — were inspired by Chinese revolutionary leader Mao Zedong.

They follow a form of communism propogated by Mao, and have waged a guerrilla-style insurgency against the government, particularly in central and eastern India.

Nearly 60 years of conflict has led to periodic clashes and thousands of casualties on both sides.

What do the Naxalites want?

India's Naxal movement began in 1967 in Naxalbari, a small village in the Indian state of West Bengal on the east coast, as a Maoist-inspired rebellion advocating for land rights and social justice for marginalized tribal communities.

Drawing inspiration from Communist movements in China and Russia, the leaders of the peasant movement — called the Naxalbari Uprising — demanded land redistribution for oppressed farmers.

They believed violent upheaval was necessary against perceived oppressors, particularly landlords and class enemies.

The situation today is more complex, argues Malini Subramaniam, who has reported extensively from Chhattisgarh's Baster district, considered the heartland of the Naxalite movement.

"The Naxalites or the Maoists may have a larger agenda of overthrowing the Republic of India, but for the Adivasis [India's tribal population] it is their land and forest that they wish to protect."

Conflict in the 'red corridor'

The insurgency is concentrated in certain states, primarily in the mineral-rich "red corridor" region, which comprises the states of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Bihar, and parts of Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh and West Bengal.

The term "red corridor" refers to the prevalence of left-wing extremism in the area. The region's wealth of natural resources, its dense forests and challenging terrain have made it a focal point for protracted conflict.

The region is also home to a large Indigenous (Adivasi) population with their livelihoods intricately tied with the land and the forest products.

However, with the presence of minerals such as coal, bauxite and iron ore in the region, Indigenous people bear the brunt of displacement due to mining, industrial projects, and deforestation.

Lawyer Shalini Gera, who has worked in Bastar, told DW that "the insurgency in Bastar is driven by the deep suspicion that Indigenous communities harbor towards outsiders, and their fear that these outsiders will 'colonize' them, rule over them and steal their natural resources."

Despite its rich natural resources, the local populations say they have been largely excluded from the benefits of development, battling high poverty and mortality rates and low literacy.

Journalist Subramaniam believes the government is not interested in a political solution to the issue because "it is convenient for them to militarily suppress any democratic resistance from local villagers and civil society to stop them from going ahead with mining the region — a treasure for state resources."

The government's anti-Maoist offensive, codenamed Operation Green Hunt, was launched in 2009 with 80,000 paramilitary forces under then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who said the insurgency was the country's "single biggest challenge to internal security."

Fifteen years on, it remains ongoing.

Caught between the warring factions, tens of thousands have been forced to abandon their homes, seeking refuge in government-run camps. Women and children are particularly vulnerable, facing violence and exploitation.

Lawyer Gera said while there is "violence and coercion from both sides," it should not be assumed that people are totally devoid of agency.

"It would be wrong and simplistic to say that villagers are supporting the Naxalites, or the police forces only out of fear, although undoubtedly, fear is an important factor," Gera told DW.

"But the Bastar villagers are political, sentient beings, and many of them are also choosing to support the insurgents or the government forces because of their ideologies, or the visions of future that they project."

What is the road forward?

"With our resolve for a Naxal-free India and joint efforts of security forces, Naxalism is breathing its last today," India's Home Minister Amit Shah said last month after another encounter in Chhattisgarh had killed 14 Maoists.

Over the decades, the Indian state has mainly responded with military operations and development efforts in the afflicted regions, but the conflict against the Maoists has raged on.

However, with Narendra Modi's BJP-led government vowing to end left-wing extremism within a year, India appears to be aiming for an all-out military victory to resolve the conflict.

At the same time, Gera said, "the state is now trying to push a vision of itself as more benevolent and inclusive, and is succeeding in drawing some people towards itself. Plus, of course, the state has far greater military power, which is attractive in and of itself."

However, not everyone is convinced that the government has it mapped out. Journalist Subramaniam argues that the government's approach will probably leave out the "real issues," such as the rights of tribal people to land and forests.

Edited by: Keith Walker