It is the 100th anniversary of the Communist Party of China (CPC) — a moment of great pride for the organization. Not least because it has been in power longer than its former sister organization, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). While the CPC has governed China for 72 consecutive years since 1949, the Soviet CPSU reign ended after a mere 67 years.
But these are no grounds for hubris. Instead, the demise of the CPSU should serve as a stark warning to the Chinese leadership.
Learning from the Soviets
There are three lessons to be learnt here: One: Permitting dissenting views within and outside the party is dangerous. Such plurality, after all, gave rise to individuals like Soviet reformer Mikhail Gorbachev, who was pivotal in ending the CPSU's reign.
Two: Ignoring the party's roots and its revolutionary history will be the beginning of the end. This, Chinese party figures are convinced, is exactly what brought down the CPSU in the final stages of the Soviet Union.
Chinese leader Xi Jinping has, therefore, repeatedly stressed China will forever remain a "red," i.e. socialist, state. The party's history is therefore being told and disseminated in myriad ways and formats to impart its values to ordinary citizens and party members.
Three: Corruption was the CPSU's undoing. China's Xi Jinping, well aware of this, launched an unprecedented anti-corruption campaign after assuming power in 2012. Tens of thousands of bureaucrats, including high-ranking decision-makers, were tried. Many more were "disciplined," or simply fired. Fighting graft will be Sisyphean task in China's one-party state, however, as no external supervisory bodies exist to monitor what goes on.
Sense of superiority
The CPC feels emboldened, knowing it is avoiding these CPSU "mistakes." And it feels superior to Western democracies. The CPC feels China's one-party system offers far greater efficiency than democratic systems. Indeed, China is keen to communicate the message abroad that the international community must never get its hopes up for a democratization of China.
So far, everything seems to be going according to Xi Jinping's plan. He enjoys broad support given that the party has, supposedly, prioritized containing the pandemic and saving lives. It is not clear whether the party will enjoy this kind of backing in the coming decade. Much will depend on whether the CPC will meet its own targets.
There's China's technological rivalry with the US. The country aims to "make major breakthroughs in key technological fields, and rise to become a key innovator" by 2035. This would require China making great strides in the semiconductor sector. Failing to do so would be a source of embarrassment for Xi Jinping, or his potential successor. It would also reflect badly on the CPC, which has vowed to guarantee a moderate level of wealth for all Chinese people.
It not yet certain how successful Xi Jinping's Belt and Road Initiative, also known as the New Silk Road, will prove. A number of project partners have begun questioning whether it is a good idea to partake in vast infrastructure endeavors on Chinese terms.
Chinese authorities on edge
But for now, the CPC is striking a note of confidence and power in the battle of the poltical systems, keen to prove that one-party rule is superior. However, despite all the fanfare, Chinese authorities are on edge during the anniversary celebrations. The Chinese capital Beijing has imposed strict rules akin to martial law, the people are experiencing "harmony" Pyongyang-style.
A party whose longevity depends on intimidation, violence and censorship is bound to fail.
Dr. Junhua Zhang is a senior associate at the Brussels-based European Institute for Asian Studies. He is currently a guest researcher at the Universite de Pau et des Pays de l'Adour in France. Zhang was born in Shanghai in 1958.