EU foreign ministers had almost found a common position on Venezuela, but they just barely missed the opportunity to support the opposition leader. It is an infuriatingly avoidable failure, writes Barbara Wesel.
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On Thursday, the European Parliament voted to recognize Venezuelan opposition leader Juan Guaido as interim president. Although it is not normally the parliament’s job to make such declarations, the measure was a symbolic show of support for the embattled President Nicolas Maduro's opponent.
At the same time, EU foreign ministers were gathered in Bucharest at one of their regular meetings. This would have been an opportunity to add to its recognition a crucial aspect: A joint declaration of support for the opposition in a country sinking into chaos. But this failed — only because of a single minister's resistance, as was later revealed. With a bit more effort and willingness, perhaps an agreement would have been possible.
In March 2017, violent protests erupted across the country in response to a Supreme Court decision to strip the legislative branch of its powers. Amid an international outcry, President Nicolas Maduro reversed the decision, but it was too late. Thousands continued to take to the streets, calling for new elections. More than 100 people were killed in clashes with security forces.
Image: Getty Images/AFP/J. Barreto
Hunger, a growing problem
The violence added to the ongoing economic and political crisis in Venezuela. Many Venezuelans spend more than 30 hours a week waiting in lines to shop, and are often confronted with empty shelves when they finally enter a store. President Maduro blames the crisis on US price speculation. The opposition, however, accuses the Socialist government of economic mismanagement.
Image: picture-alliance/AA/C. Becerra
Health care in crisis
The crisis has even affected health care in the oil-rich nation. Venezuelans often head to Colombia to collect medical supplies to send home, as seen in this picture. Hospitals across Venezuela have compared conditions to those seen only in war zones. As patient deaths rise, health officials have sounded the alarm on the rise of malaria and dengue fever.
Image: picture alliance/dpa/M.Duenas Castaneda
Power grab
By July 2017, Venezuela's pro-government Constituent Assembly was established. For observers, it had all the hallmarks of a power grab. The new body adopted the authority to pass legislation on a range of issues, effectively taking away the powers of Venezuela's elected congress, which was under the opposition's control. The move drew wide international condemnation.
Image: picture-alliance/dpa/P. Miraflores
The West sanctions
In response to the political crisis, the United States and European Union imposed a series of sanctions against ruling officials. The US blacklisted members of the Constituent Assembly and froze all of Maduro's assets that are subject to US jurisdiction. The EU banned arms sales to the country.
Image: picture-alliance/dpa/AFP/T. Schwarz
Government victorious in regional elections
In October 2017, Venezuela held two votes: regional elections and elections for governors, which were long overdue. The opposition boycotted the vote, but then split, as some candidates and small parties chose to participate. This caused a deep rift within Maduro's opponents. The government went on to sweep the vote, which detractors say was unfair and heavily favored the regime.
Image: picture-alliance/AP Photo/A. Cubillos
Debt default
In November 2017, the oil-rich, cash-poor nation faced its day of reckoning. Credit ratings agencies declared Venezuela and its state-run oil company in "selective default." But Russia offered to restructure the South American country's debt to ensure Caracas pays its other creditors. US and EU sanctions, however, limited the chance of an agreement.
Image: picture-alliance/AP Photo/A. Cubillos
Presidential elections scheduled
The National Assembly announced in January 2018 that it would grant Maduro's call for snap presidential elections. The electoral authority, CNE, held the elections on May 20. The EU, the US and 14 Latin American nations warned that they would not recognize the results. The mainstream MUD opposition alliance boycotted the vote, leaving only one possible outcome.
Image: Getty Images/AFP/F. Parra
Maduro wins ...
Maduro was re-elected to a second six-year term with about 68 percent of the vote. Turnout was only 46 percent, according to electoral authorities. However, the MUD opposition alliance put turnout at less than 30 percent. The Organization of American States (OAS) called the elections neither free nor fair.
Image: picture-alliance/AP Photo/A. Cubillos
... Guaido assumes power
But weeks into the new year, the situation took a drastic turn. On January 23, 2019, parliament president Juan Guaido declared himself interim president of Venezuela — a move that was quickly recognized by US President Donald Trump. Maduro called it a US-backed "coup." Days later, the US sanctioned Venezuela's state oil firm, while Guaido staked his claim on the country's foreign assets.
Image: Imago/Agencia EFE
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An overwhelmed leadership
And so, a possibility for one of the rare positive signals of unity in European foreign policy was wasted. But the sole holdout was not entirely to blame; the failing also has to do with the weak structure of the leadership. Every six months, a different country takes over the presidency role for the EU Council and summits. Romania currently has this role, and has filled it with its government, shaken by corruption scandals and a striking lack of presentable and experienced politicians. The discussion on Venezuela unfortunately revealed all the system's weaknesses.
Finland had offered to relieve the poorly prepared Romanians of their council presidency ahead of its beginning on January 1, but Bucharest would not agree to it. Had that occurred, the government in Helsinki would certainly have managed to pass a resolution on Venezuela. In this case a particularly weak EU member state occupying the president's role met with a breakdown of the system.
The EU could certainly make itself useful in Venezuela, even if it has little historical foothold there. As Russia and the US continue to trade barbs over their spheres of influence, the EU could take up the role of negotiator and facilitator, especially for the Venezuelan people suffering due to the complete breakdown of essential services. President Maduro has not yet granted access for humanitarian aid, which is why the mass exodus continues. And Maduro is now aggravating the situation by arresting foreign journalists and making their work impossible. There is every indication that the struggle between the regime and the opposition is now entering its decisive phase.
Against this backdrop, it should not have been so difficult for the EU to take a stand and put aside political ambivalence. However Moscow and Washington define their political interests in Venezuela, Europe could have sent a clear message by siding with the opposition.
Almost all EU states will gradually declare their support for Guaido over the next week. But with this method, the message and a rare chance for common ground will peter out. Europe is stronger when it sticks together, especially on foreign policy. This failure in Bucharest is simply an exasperating disappointment — and one that could have been avoided.