Pakistan crisis
January 17, 2012![Pakistani President Asif Ali Zardari](https://static.dw.com/image/15664916_800.webp)
On Monday, the Pakistani parliament passed a resolution supporting the rule of civilian democracy in the country in an apparent show of strength by the governing Pakistan People's Party (PPP), which is facing serious corruption allegations.
On the same day, Pakistan's Supreme Court issued a contempt of court notice to the country's prime minister, Yousuf Raza Gilani, over his reluctance to reopen a corruption investigation against President Asif Ali Zardari. The court has summoned the prime minister on January 19 to clarify his position.
In a latest move, the apex court also suspended the license of federation lawyer and former law minister, Babar Awan, in another contempt of court case, exacerbating the crisis.
Institutional conflict
Many in Pakistan view the current predicament as a clash of institutions - these being predominantly the armed forces and the parliament.
Supporters of the PPP are of the view that the judiciary, backed by Pakistan's ubiquitous army and the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), are trying to undermine the supremacy of parliament and civilian democracy.
Political observers are of the view that in Pakistan - a country which has been governed by the military for more than three decades cumulatively and where the judiciary has mostly been subservient to the powerful military establishment - civilian governments are always bound to lose.
Critics of the PPP attack it for poor governance and incompetence and say the Zardari administration has failed to abide by the court's orders. Meanwhile, they believe the government is trying to conceal its corrupt nature under the garb of upholding parliamentary supremacy.
Iqbal Haider, who served as law minister during the PPP government of slain former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, told Deutsche Welle "the clash of institutions is a deliberate effort by the government to derail the system and to come out as political martyrs."
"The government is deliberately disobeying the orders of the Supreme Court. The current rulers are the ones who are confronting the judiciary as well as the army, and it is a conscious policy. It is very immature and imprudent on the part of the rulers," said Haider.
A series of crises
The government is also facing an unfolding scandal known as "memogate" revolving around a letter written to the US government to rein in the Pakistani army and its generals and prevent a possible coup following the assassination of Osama bin Laden in May last year.
US businessman of Pakistani origin Mansoor Ijaz claims the memo was given to him by Pakistan's then ambassador to Washington, Husain Haqqani, to be handed over to US officials.
President Zardari and his government deny any involvement in the scandal, which opposition parties claim undermines Pakistan's security and national sovereignty. Pakistan's Army Chief General Ashfaq Pervez Kayani and ISI head General Shuja Pasha have testified to the court on the authenticity of the memo, though both stopped short of pinning the blame on any one individual.
The Pakistani courts are currently investigating this alleged "act of treason."
If found responsible, the government could be sacked on the orders of the court, whilst the prime minister and president may also be tried.
'Propaganda against civilian governments'
Harris Khalique, an Islamabad-based political analyst and human rights activist, believes certain groups are pulling the strings from behind to dislodge the civilian government.
"They (the rulers) are not being ousted for being corrupt and incompetent; they are being ousted because there is a tug of war between institutions about who holds more power and who actually calls the shots in Pakistan," Khalique told Deutche Welle.
Khalique says the PPP has come under increasing pressure from what he termed "propaganda," particularly in the mainstream media, which sought only to highlight the administration's failings.
"Whenever the PPP government comes to power, a great deal of propaganda is unleashed by different institutions. The mainstream Urdu and English media are shamelessly one-sided when it comes to mentioning the successes of parliament, which includes all political parties," said Khalique.
Domestic versus international
The most senior US officials have hinted they are closely monitoring Pakistan's domestic political landscape, with a particular focus on the "memogate" scandal.
The US and other western governments believe an unstable Pakistan could pose serious risks to world peace. The country's economy is a shambles, and Islamist extremism, fueled by anti-US sentiment, is at a peak.
The West blames the ISI for backing the Taliban and for providing sanctuary to al Qaeda militants in its recalcitrant northwestern tribal areas with a view to destabilizing Afghanistan. Islamabad, for its part, refutes these allegations.
The US-Pakistani relationship is already at its nadir. Last year, Pakistan blocked NATO aid containers from entering Afghanistan in retaliation to a NATO air strike that killed 24 of its soldiers near the Afghan border. US and NATO officials expressed regret over the attacks, which they said were the result of a "misunderstanding."
Pakistani human rights activist Abdul Hai observes that a liberal party like the PPP, which is believed to be more pro-Washington than others, is not acceptable to the country's military, which is believed to be more supportive of right-wing groups and Pakistan's more conservative political parties.
On the other hand, says Harris Khalique, domestic political crises in Pakistan should also be seen in the context of regional security and Pakistan's relations with the US.
Author: Shamil Shams
Editor: Darren Mara