December 9, 2022, started like any other cold, unremarkable Friday in Brussels. The following week, European Union lawmakers would head to the French city of Strasbourg for one of their regular plenary sessions, and preparations were underway.

But by the early evening, a political bombshell had dropped. Word had hit the press about a series of spectacular raids taking place across the Belgian capital and in Italy, uncovering bundles of apparently ill-gotten cash in the homes and offices of people either working in or closely linked to the European Parliament.

That day alone, eight arrests were made, and raids were carried out over 19 addresses in Belgium and Italy, according to the Belgian newspaper Le Soir. In the weeks to come, more would follow. A total of €1.5 million ($1.6 million) was eventually seized.

Daniel Freund, a German Green lawmaker and prominent EU anti-corruption voice, describes the first days after the exposure of the suspected cash-for-influence scheme that was quickly dubbed Qatargate as a blur, with information coming out in dribs and drabs.

By midday the following Monday, as the Parliament was set to reconvene in Strasbourg, Freund's office had been contacted by no fewer than 64 different journalists, he recalled. "I don't think the parliament has ever gotten so much attention and for such a sad story, ruining the reputation of the house."

One year on, surprisingly little about the case has been definitively established. Two suspects have apparently made confessions, but since then, Belgium's investigations have stalled.

Few would argue that the full extent of the network of lobbyists and politicians has been mapped out. So far, no one has been convicted, and many suspects maintain their innocence. Here's a guide to the twists and turns of a real-life political thriller that is far from over.

Who are the main players in Qatargate?

Of the eight arrests, the highest profile face at the heart of the scandal is Greek MEP and former European Parliament Vice President Eva Kaili, a sleek, poised ex-TV presenter.

Kaili's life partner, Francesco Giorgi, and his boss, former MEP Antonio Panzeri, were also detained on December 9, 2022. Giorgi worked as a parliamentary assistant but also separately for Panzeri. Both are Italian and, like all of the MEPs suspected in the sprawling corruption case, belong to the center-left socialist parliamentary group.

Panzeri confessed to involvement in January 2023 to get clemency and is believed to have been at the center of a complex network. Giorgi confessed even sooner but denied that his partner, Kaili, was involved in the scheme, according to leaked interview transcripts.

Two other MEPs were eventually arrested after having their parliamentary immunity lifted at the request of investigators: Marc Tarabella of Belgium and Andrea Cozzolino of Italy.

Also detained was Niccolo Figa-Talamanca, the head of an NGO that shared offices with an organization Panzeri runs. Panzeri has said that Figa-Talamanca was not involved, according to leaked interview transcripts seen by DW, though these only represent Panzeri's view. Figa-Talamanca has since been released unconditionally.

Another detainee was Luca Visentini, the former secretary-general of the International Trade Unions Confederation. He has told the media that he only accepted two donations of tens of thousands of euros to fund his campaign to lead ITUC.

All of them, save Panzeri and Giorgi, insist on their innocence. The web of potential names also extends far broader, including family members of certain key suspects and other figures in the European Parliament.

What are the Qatargate suspects accused of?

In essence, the charges — which, according to media reports, boil down to membership in a criminal organization, corruption and money-laundering — relate to peddling political influence.

The allegations against Qatar were the first to emerge publicly, hence the nickname "Qatargate." However, leaked transcripts of suspect interviews seen by DW suggest it may have started with Morocco and have also involved Mauritania. All three governments deny involvement or have declined to comment.

According to an investigation published this week by Politico, an American news outlet, leaked case files provide evidence of 300 alleged attempts to manipulate EU democracy. These included efforts to stifle critical resolutions (or statements summing up the Parliament's official position) about certain countries outside Europe.

What precisely the money allegedly paid by these countries was supposed to achieve remains unclear — whether it was supposed to secure certain policy goals or improve the image of some non-EU in Brussels.

Nick Aiossa, acting director of international anti-corruption NGO Transparency International's EU chapter, says that even though the Parliament's formal role in foreign policy was limited, he still believes it could be worth it for foreign states to drop a few million euros.

"Certain (non-EU) countries have put a great deal of value in the soft power of the non-binding resolutions that the parliament puts out in relation to external relations," Aiossa explained.

As well as having extensive press coverage and a closely watched public speaking platform, EU parliamentarians also meet regularly with senior officials from other EU institutions.

Where are they now?

No one tied to Qatargate is currently behind bars. Panzeri, Giorgi, Kaili, Figa-Talamanca, Tarabella and Cozzolino were all released, most of them instructed to wear an electronic tag.

Kaili, who vehemently maintains her innocence, has even been allowed to return to Parliament — Freund, the German Green MEP, said he had seen her around. Although everyone was entitled to the presumption of innocence, Freund acknowledged seeing her in person was "bizarre."

The Greek MEP has, in fact, gone on the offensive, accusing the Belgian judiciary of overstepping in its investigations against her and even trying to rebrand the scandal as "Belgiumgate."

In recent months, lawyers for the suspects made compelling enough arguments to secure an internal inquiry into Belgium's investigations, delaying the Qatargate probe by some months.

Where does the case stand now?

DW correspondent Jack Parrock has followed the ins and outs closely over the past year. For him, the hope of finding the truth about the Qatargate corruption ring is dwindling.

"So many statements have been changed, so many leaks have come out of the investigation, and many of the suspects are now trying to clear their names or change the narrative around them," he explained.

"The story has become so large and nebulous that it can be hard to know what's true information and what's lobbying for a cause," Parrock continued.

For example, Parrock said there were still unanswered questions about the Belgian MEP Marie Arena, who has never been questioned or arrested and still has parliamentary immunity. "Journalists, including myself, have seen the police investigation's file from before the initial arrests, in which she is heavily implicated."

Parrock added that defense lawyers even believe they might be able to have the cases thrown out before they ever go to trial on the grounds of police and judicial malpractice.

"If that happens and no one is ever convicted, then the story sees yet another major shift in direction," he said. "It will become far more about the competence, or incompetence, of the Belgians to prosecute crimes of corruption in their country, which hosts the EU institutions, and less about salacious personal stories of the suspects."

Qatargate's impact on European Parliament

There is also the question of the Parliament's institutional response. In the wake of Qatargate, the EU legislature brought about a modest package of reforms, like requiring all MEPs to disclose meetings with lobbyists rather than just certain kinds of MEPs. However, some believe the eventual response was not good enough.

Aiossa said much broader cultural issues within the Parliament were left untouched, including an unaudited generous monthly allowance for MEPs on top of their salaries and permission to hold side jobs that could pose a conflict of interest as long as they are declared.

"MEPs have developed, unfortunately, a rather toxic culture of impunity," Aiossa said.

Freund told DW he was disappointed with reform efforts in the end. Initial momentum to change straight after the scandal broke had clearly faded away.

There had been a "moment where parliament was willing to ensure that this doesn't happen ever again," he said. "From there on, it was it was pretty much downhill."

Jack Parrock contributed additional reporting to this story.

Edited by: Davis VanOpdorp