"We should emphasize the differences" between China and Taiwan, says Taiwanese pro-Beijing politician Chou Hsi-wei. "Go there … and change them." But is he selling a fantasy to voters? He talks to DW's Conflict Zone.
Image: DW/M. Martin
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Chou Hsi-wei on Conflict Zone
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Free press, free elections, free speech – all are present in Taiwan, but absent in mainland China, 180 kilometers away across the Taiwan Strait.
So what does the Kuomintang (KMT), the pro-Chinese opposition party who are against full independence for Taiwan, have to offer voters?
On Conflict Zone this week, host Tim Sebastian meets KMT politician Chou Hsi-wei, who was in the running when the interview was recorded to be his party's candidate for next year's presidential elections. He was defeated, however, by Han Kuo-yu, who has said full independence from mainland China was "more scary" than syphilis.
Han Kuo-yu, a pro-China mayor of the southern city of Kaohsiung, beat four other candidates to win the KMT party nomination and will face President Tsai Ing-wen in January 2020Image: picture-alliance/AP Photo
'We can make China a peaceful country'
Sebastian began by asking Chou about his comments that tensions with China could only be resolved by talking and loving one another. How could he love a China that threatens Taiwan verbally and militarily?
"That's your impression," said Chou. "Actually, if you talk to some Chinese in mainland China, as long as you don't support separation from China, they'll not treat you like that, they'll not attack you."
Was this a normal way to live, Sebastian asked, to avoid saying the wrong thing or you're finished?
"I don't think it's that serious," answered Chou.
The U.S. State Department said recently that China had increased its pressure on Taiwan with "the largest increase in military activities" in 20 years, but Chou sidestepped accusations of bullying, saying, "We can do business with each other. We can ask China to make changes. We are the only people on earth believe that we can make that happen. We can make China a peaceful country."
In January this year, Chinese President Xi Jinping called for the peaceful reunification of China and Taiwan, which China sees as a breakaway region, but warned it would "make no promise to renounce the use of force and reserve the option of taking all necessary means."
"Nobody should underestimate the Chinese government's and people's firm determination to defend the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity," said a spokesman for China's foreign ministry.
'Be their friends, be their brothers'
But what does democratic Taiwan and one-party communist China now have in common? Chou told Conflict Zone, "I think we should emphasize the differences. Go there, work with them, be their friends, be their brothers, and change them. Instead of being their enemies, go there, work with them. You can change them."
China and Taiwan: Best enemies?
Chinese President Xi recently called for a "peaceful reunification" with Taiwan, prompting criticism from Taipei. What is the "Taiwan issue" all about? DW explores the history of the conflict through these photographs.
Image: AFP/AFP/Getty Images
Recapturing vs. liberation
After the end of WWII, the Communist Party of China (CPC) under Mao Zedong pursued a fierce battle against his archrival Chiang Kai-shek, chief of the Kuomintang (KMT) party. Chiang lost and took refuge in the island of Taiwan. For some time after that, Taiwan was the center of propaganda from both sides. The CPC wanted to "liberate" Taiwan, while Kuomintang wanted to "recapture the mainland."
Image: AFP/Getty Images
Letters to 'compatriots'
In the 1950s, the CPC published four "Messages to Chinese compatriots" in Taiwan, which are considered the basis of Beijing's Taiwan policy. In these texts, Beijing warned Taiwan of collaborating with US "imperialists." Military confrontation, particularly artillery attacks, also continued during this time.
Image: Imago/Zuma/Keystone
Beijing replaces Taipei in UN bodies
In 1971, the United Nations General Assembly declared that the People's Republic of China was the sole lawful representative of the country. With this decision, the Republic of China (ROC)/Taiwan was removed from all UN bodies. The frustration of ROC's foreign minister, Chow Shu-kai (right), and his ambassador Liu Chieh is easy to see in this picture.
Image: Imago/ZUMA/Keystone
New Taiwan policy
The fifth and last "message" from Beijing to Taiwan was published on January 1, 1979. The mainland, under the leadership of the reformist Deng Xiaoping ended military operations, announced the development of bilateral ties and promised peaceful reunification. However, Beijing's right to represent China internationally was not to be questioned.
Image: picture-alliance/dpa/UPI
'One China' policy
The new orientation of China's Taiwan policy took place as Washington and Beijing got closer. On January 1, 1979, the US and China resumed diplomatic relations, with Washington under President Jimmy Carter recognizing Beijing as the sole legitimate government of the whole of China. The US embassy in Taiwan was remodeled into an institute for culture.
Image: AFP/AFP/Getty Images
'One China, two systems'
Even before meeting US President Carter, Deng Xiaoping had introduced the principle of "one country, two systems," which allowed Taiwan to maintain its social systems even after reunification. However, Taiwan's President Chiang Ching-Kuo did not immediately fall for it. On the contrary, in 1987 he formulated the principle of "one China for the better system."
Image: picture-alliance/Everett Collection
The independence movement
In 1986, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), Taiwan's first opposition party, was founded. At a meeting in 1991, the DPP declared a clause for Taiwan's independence, which stipulated that Taiwan was sovereign and not a part of China.
Image: Getty Images/AFP/S. Yeh
'Consensus of 1992'
In unofficial Hong Kong talks in 1992, representatives of Taipei and Beijing reached a political agreement on the nature of their relationship. Both parties agreed that there was only one China. However, they had different views on what "One China" meant. A year later, the chief negotiators Wang (left) and Koo met in Singapore.
Image: Imago/Xinhua
Bilateral relations
In an interview with DW in 1995, the first democratically elected President of Taiwan and the KMT leader Lee Teng-hui said that all relations beyond the straits of Taiwan would be "defined as relations between states; at the very least, as a relationship of a special kind between states." His formulation was very close to being a declaration of independence.
Image: Academia Historica Taiwan
'A state on every side'
The DPP won the presidential election for the first time in 2000 with Chen Shui-bian, a Taiwanese-born politician who had no connections to mainland China, calling for "a state on each side." It meant that Taiwan should have nothing to do with China anymore. In 2005, Beijing reacted with the Anti-Secession Law, which allowed the use of military force in the event that Taiwan declared independence.
Image: picture alliance/AP Photo/Jerome Favre
'One China, different interpretations'
After losing the elections in 2000, the KMT adopted a changed formulation of the "Consensus of 1992" in the party's statute, which called for "one China, different interpretations." That is why the 1992 Consensus is still debated in Taiwan. The reason: the negotiators of 1992 did not have an official position.
Image: Imago/ZumaPress
CPC meets KMT
The mainland adopted the "Consensus of 1992" as a political basis for creating a relationship with Taiwan. In the first summit between the two sides since the communists came to power in China, Hu Jintao (right) and Lian Zhan endorsed the "Consensus of 1992" and the "One China" principle.
Image: picture-alliance/dpa/M. Reynolds
'The direction is correct'
After KMT's Ma Ying-Jeou won the 2008 presidential elections, both sides continued to come closer. In an interview with DW in 2009, Ma said: "The straits of Taiwan should be a place of peace and security. We have come a lot closer to this goal. Basically our direction is correct."
Image: GIO
Quo vadis?
After the elections in 2016, when President Tsai Ing-wen came to power, the independence movement gained a lot of wind. Tsai disputed the existence of the 1992 consensus and described the "attempt of China to interfere in the political and social development of Taiwan" as the "biggest challenge."
Image: ROC
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Asked for evidence that China could be changed, Chou pointed to recent events in Hong Kong. "Why China is not using force to press down the demonstration? Why they compromise? Why? Because they seek opportunity to prove they can change."
Host Tim Sebastian went on to challenge Chuo's comment that he wanted a democracy in mainland China and to change it "by participation." Chuo denied that he didn't have a policy of standing up to Beijing and said he wanted to unify China under Taiwan's rules.
Loyalty
And if Beijing loses patience with Taiwan and is ready to invade, where would Chou's loyalties lie? Would he fight for Taiwan or not?
"We are loyal to our country, the Republic of China. We are loyal to our constitution," said Chou. "If they violated our constitution to preserve and protect our people and defend our people, I will fight against China."