Ali Ghoneim is furious with Egypt's leaders. "They're responsible for the appalling economic situation," he says, and bangs his fist on the table in his little textile workshop. "There's a simple strategy behind it," he continues. "They want people to say, 'Our lives were better during the Mubarak era than they are now.'"

He makes a similar accusation about the Egyptian security apparatus. "They're allowing the security situation to deteriorate. That way, they hope people will simply demand more security." More banging on the table. "They want us just to forget all the human rights abuses they perpetrated, both in the Mubarak era and after the revolution."

Terrible mistake

But Ali Ghoneim can't forget. He has personal experience of the repressive measures taken by the security authorities. Over the past three years he has repeatedly been arrested for taking part in demonstrations. He takes a tablet computer out of his bag and scrolls through photos of different rallies: Tahrir Square in January 2011; protesting civilians being given military trials; and protesting the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood.

The tablet screen is broken. This piece of equipment prevented a policeman from breaking his arm, he says, and smiles for the first time. "He started beating us violently. Two blows of the stick were aimed at my arm – but they hit the tablet instead." This was at a demonstration outside the presidential palace at the end of November 2012, against the draft constitution drawn up by the Muslim Brotherhood, which aimed to hand more power to the then-president, Mohammed Mursi.

When he considers the events of the past three years, he feels sad. His revolution has been stolen several times over. The majority of young men and women who demonstrated with him feel the same way. Little remains of the euphoria that abounded after Mubarak was forced from office in early February 2011.

In retrospect, says Ali Ghoneim, the fault lies with the revolutionary youth themselves. He and his fellow rebels should have stayed on in Tahrir Square after Mubarak was toppled "until all our demands were met". He pauses briefly to reflect. "We left the way wide open for the restoration of the Mubarak regime. Either by what remained of it allying with powers that were part of the revolution, or else with the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist movements. We really made a terrible mistake."

'Economic dictatorship and the politics of begging'

In 2011 they thought they had overthrown the old regime for good. But remnants of it are still in power, says Ghoneim – not least the former field marshal and head of the military, Abdel Fattah el-Sissi, who is the favorite to win the presidential election that has been extended to Wednesday (28.05.2014).

The streets of Alexandria, Ghoneim's home town, are full of el-Sissi election banners and posters, put up by rich supporters and business people. Emblazoned with the slogan "Long live Egypt" alongside a picture of a smiling el-Sissi, they are a constant reminder for the activist Ghoneim of the failure of the revolution. He has decided to boycott the election, which he sees as nothing more than a spectacle aimed at boosting Egypt's image abroad. "It's just a ritual, electing a military chief as president," he says. "The aim is to revive and continue the repressive regime, whether it be in order to suppress freedoms or to extend the military's economic power in Egypt."

In Ali Ghoneim's eyes, the speeches and interviews el-Sissi has given have simply confirmed this view. Human rights are scarcely mentioned; security and stability are his top priorities. At the same time. he wants to resolve the country's economic problems through massive intervention in the market by the military. If staple goods become expensive, for example, he suggests that the armed forces would offer them at low prices – but would employ civilians to sell them, thus helping to combat high unemployment.

And where major investment is required, he expects Egypt's allies, in particular the Gulf states, to help out. "Economic dictatorship and the politics of begging," is Ghoneim's pithy summary of el-Sissi's election program.

Hoping for a constitutional state

He picks up a little handsaw and starts cutting up the pieces of checkered material lying on the table. His business is doing well, he says. He employs between 13 and 18 people, depending on the number of orders. Even at work the talk is of politics. "The country is going down the drain, Mr Ali," one of his employees, an older woman, comments as she works. "The Muslim Brotherhood are not good people. But they don't deserve all these reprisals."

Ali Ghoneim agrees. "Who knows who will be next in line," he replies. The rattle of the handsaw drowns out their conversation.

But Ghoneim is not afraid to fight on for the dreams of the revolution. For the "hope of living in a state that respects the law. And where the people in charge are not those who own tanks or hold a gun. We dream of real freedoms: that everyone should be able freely to express his opinion without the fear of being arrested or beaten."