Transistria -forgotten by the international community
Jan Tomes
October 15, 2017
What is it like to be born in a country not recognized by the international community? Welcome to Transnistria, a disputed region in the east of Moldova, where DW talked to photographer and native Anton Polyakov.
Image: Anton Polyakov
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Transnistria — lost in Moldova
In 1991, the Soviet Union broke into pieces from which 15 new sovereign countries were born. Yet Transnistria, a Russian-speaking region in Moldova, was not among them. Photographer Anton Polyakov photos tell the story.
Image: Anton Polyakov
A fight for recognition
In 1991, the Soviet Union broke into pieces from which 15 new sovereign countries were born. Yet Transnistria, the Russian-speaking region in the easternmost part of Moldova, was not among them. The self-proclaimed "presidential republic" has its government, army, flag, emblem, anthem and even passports, which are valid in only three countries in the world.
Image: Anton Polyakov
The Soviet Union lives on
Anton Polyakov was born in the Transnistrian capital of Tiraspol in 1990, the year the region declared independence from Moldova. He has been capturing the daily life of Transnistrians since 2012. "For many, Transnistria is a new country without a past, but some see it as a continuation of the Soviet Union," says the photographer. Portrayed here is famous Soviet footballer Alexander Veryovkin.
Image: Anton Polyakov
Conflicts stuck on repeat
When Polyakov was 2, tensions between the country and the region led to a war, which was quickly put down by Russia's intervention. "People are still sentimental about the Soviet times here," says Polyakov. May 9, the "Victory Day" of the Great Patriotic War between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, is remembered across the region with battle reenactments.
Image: Anton Polyakov
Omnia pro patria
The Transnistrian government wants to be ready to fight on real front lines, too. Basic military training is part of high school curricula, military parades take place every year and body-building contests are hugely popular. According to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the region owns 20,000 to 40,000 tonnes of Soviet-era weaponry.
Image: Anton Polyakov
Satellite of love
The OSCE report from 2015 also states that Russian military personnel is still present in Transnistria, despite the 1999 Istanbul Summit deal to withdraw. "People here see Russia as the main guarantor of security in the region and want Russia's recognition," says Polyakov. Most Transnistrians voted for independence and potential future integration into Russia in a referendum held in 2006.
Image: Anton Polyakov
From bad to worse
With a population of roughly 475,000 and an area of 4,163 square kilometers, Transnistria is one of the smallest countries in Europe, yet its per capita GDP is comparable to that of Nigeria. The economy is driven by heavy industry, electricity production and textile manufacturing, but the trade restrictions related to the Ukrainian conflict are bringing the region close to economic collapse.
Image: Anton Polyakov
Beauty isn’t everything
While there are jobs in the cities – albeit poorly paid, with an average salary of 180 euros ($200) – living in the Transnistrian countryside is a different story. "We may think it is great to live in the picturesque nature of the region, but there are no opportunities nor infrastructure. With nothing to do, young people leave and go to the cities or Russia as soon as they can," says Polyakov.
Image: Anton Polyakov
The empire strikes back
The future of Transnistria is dependent on Russia, which views the region as strategically important. And it intends to stick with "the format of the existing peacekeeping mission in Transnistria," which essentially means keeping Russian soldiers there. "This is why Transnistria is still not an independent political player. This makes my home a hostage to the political situation," says Polyakov.
Image: Anton Polyakov
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DW: You were born the year the Republic of Transnistria was proclaimed. When did you first realize that you were a Transnistrian and not a Moldovan?
Anton Polyakov: My mother was born in Siberia and my father in Ukraine, and I was born in the region called Pridnestrovie – or Transnistria as it is known. I spent my whole life here, so I can hardly consider myself a Moldovan. Calling myself a Transnistrian is simply the closest to the reality of my life.
Transnistria is a very young country which, in my opinion, has not yet established its own cultural or national values – it is a mix of Moldovan, Ukrainian, Russian and Soviet, so it is hard to say what it feels like being a Transnistrian.
Furthermore, the establishment focuses on promoting this multiculturalism but paradoxically relies heavily on endorsing patriotism and love toward Russia. But, thanks to the internet where anyone can find an individual way of life and thinking, such efforts fall on deaf ears, especially among young people.
Calls for internationally recognized independence are not diminishing in Transnistria, however.
We are frozen in an on-going conflict. Transnistria has been a primarily Russian-speaking territory since the 18th century while the only official language in Moldova, to which the region still de jure belongs, is Romanian.
Moldova: A village in fear
04:40
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This language discrepancy sits at the core of the problem because, naturally, people have always felt more Russian than Moldovan here. Many people still speak Moldovan or Ukrainian in the countryside, but the main inter-ethnic communication takes place in Russian.
So Transnistria, unlike Moldova, did not want to leave the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics when Moldova declared independence in 1990 but was forced to because it belonged under Moldovan jurisdiction.
Then, when the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Transnistria sought its sovereignty and even started an open conflict with Moldova in 1992. The war did not escalate only thanks to the intervention of Russian troops.
What is the role of Russia in the region today?
Russia has been providing constant financial support to Transnistria and many people perceive it as the peacekeeping force of the region. Russian soldiers came in 1992 to resolve the Transnistrian War and have been stationed here ever since.
Russian TV channels are broadcast here, kids in schools learn from Russian textbooks, and many pensioners even receive Russian pension. If you look at the results of the independence referendum from 2006, more than 90 percent of the population voted for independence and subsequent accession to Russia.
Why do you think Transnistria has not been able to get sovereignty?
Transnistria is not perceived as a self-sufficient state. We are still largely dependent on support from Russia, which is the main reason why society does not have a chance to develop and why the region is still not an independent political player.
The Transnistrian government issues its own passports, but the republic is only recognized by Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Nagorno-Karabakh – another disputed, unrecognized territories and remnants of the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Is it possible to travel out of the country?
I went to Abkhazia recently, and that was a unique case when I could use my Transnistrian passport. But to go there, I needed to enter Russia first, which is impossible with a Transnistrian passport, of course. Therefore, many residents have one, two or even more passports so that they can leave the country.
What is the situation like at the moment?
I live in Tiraspol, the Transnistrian capital, which is a small city of 120,000 inhabitants. I do not think life here is much worse or better than in other provincial cities in Russia or other post-Soviet countries: People go to work in the morning and watch Russian TV shows or go out in the evening.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, collective farms in the countryside were shut down, so people lost their jobs and began to move massively to the cities. For them, living in the Soviet Union was the happiest time of their lives. The countryside is becoming desolated and depopulated, and you'll find only children and old people there.
But Transnistrians have also begun to leave the country recently due to the unstable economic and political situation. There is no cultural life and no opportunities for young people, so they go to Russia or farther abroad to find a better life.
Funnily enough, many choose to return to Transnistria when they see that life in the neighboring countries is not better. Despite all the political and economic problems, it is still quite safe to live in Transnistria.
Transnistria — lost in Moldova
In 1991, the Soviet Union broke into pieces from which 15 new sovereign countries were born. Yet Transnistria, a Russian-speaking region in Moldova, was not among them. Photographer Anton Polyakov photos tell the story.
Image: Anton Polyakov
A fight for recognition
In 1991, the Soviet Union broke into pieces from which 15 new sovereign countries were born. Yet Transnistria, the Russian-speaking region in the easternmost part of Moldova, was not among them. The self-proclaimed "presidential republic" has its government, army, flag, emblem, anthem and even passports, which are valid in only three countries in the world.
Image: Anton Polyakov
The Soviet Union lives on
Anton Polyakov was born in the Transnistrian capital of Tiraspol in 1990, the year the region declared independence from Moldova. He has been capturing the daily life of Transnistrians since 2012. "For many, Transnistria is a new country without a past, but some see it as a continuation of the Soviet Union," says the photographer. Portrayed here is famous Soviet footballer Alexander Veryovkin.
Image: Anton Polyakov
Conflicts stuck on repeat
When Polyakov was 2, tensions between the country and the region led to a war, which was quickly put down by Russia's intervention. "People are still sentimental about the Soviet times here," says Polyakov. May 9, the "Victory Day" of the Great Patriotic War between the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, is remembered across the region with battle reenactments.
Image: Anton Polyakov
Omnia pro patria
The Transnistrian government wants to be ready to fight on real front lines, too. Basic military training is part of high school curricula, military parades take place every year and body-building contests are hugely popular. According to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the region owns 20,000 to 40,000 tonnes of Soviet-era weaponry.
Image: Anton Polyakov
Satellite of love
The OSCE report from 2015 also states that Russian military personnel is still present in Transnistria, despite the 1999 Istanbul Summit deal to withdraw. "People here see Russia as the main guarantor of security in the region and want Russia's recognition," says Polyakov. Most Transnistrians voted for independence and potential future integration into Russia in a referendum held in 2006.
Image: Anton Polyakov
From bad to worse
With a population of roughly 475,000 and an area of 4,163 square kilometers, Transnistria is one of the smallest countries in Europe, yet its per capita GDP is comparable to that of Nigeria. The economy is driven by heavy industry, electricity production and textile manufacturing, but the trade restrictions related to the Ukrainian conflict are bringing the region close to economic collapse.
Image: Anton Polyakov
Beauty isn’t everything
While there are jobs in the cities – albeit poorly paid, with an average salary of 180 euros ($200) – living in the Transnistrian countryside is a different story. "We may think it is great to live in the picturesque nature of the region, but there are no opportunities nor infrastructure. With nothing to do, young people leave and go to the cities or Russia as soon as they can," says Polyakov.
Image: Anton Polyakov
The empire strikes back
The future of Transnistria is dependent on Russia, which views the region as strategically important. And it intends to stick with "the format of the existing peacekeeping mission in Transnistria," which essentially means keeping Russian soldiers there. "This is why Transnistria is still not an independent political player. This makes my home a hostage to the political situation," says Polyakov.
