"Sixty-five is a ripe age" – that is how Ivory Coast president Alassane Ouattara congratulated his country on 65 years of independence. "It's a moment to reflect together how far we have come, a chance to cement what we have learned, and look to the future," he added.

Many African nations celebrate their 65th anniversaries in 2025: Nigeria, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo all became independent in 1960. France alone granted self-determination to 14 colonies. But today, French President Emmanuel Macron's relationship with the former colonies can be considered strained. So how far has francophone Africa come in 65 years?

Some francophone nations are world's poorest

The United Nations' Human Development Index (HDI) shows how precarious the situation is: Eight of the former 14 colonies — including Sahel nations Chad, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger — rank near the bottom of the HDI, classified in the "low human development" category.

Matthias Basedau, director of the GIGA Institute for African Affairs in Hamburg, told DW there is a unique set of reasons for each country. In many areas, the land is not arable. Raw materials only provide limited wealth. High birthrates put more strain on economies already battling severe unemployment. But adding to this vicious cycle, says Basedau, is "political instability, which leads to conflict, and conflicts brakes development. And paused development leads to renewed conflict."

Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger underwent military coups in recent years, after the civilian governments failed to break the cycle.

Strong men, weak institutions

Coups are one extreme in francophone Africa – peaceful and orderly democratic transitions of power, such as the one seen in Senegal last year, are the exception.

At the other extreme are aging leaders: 83-year-old Ivorian Ouattara, and 92-year-old Paul Biya in Cameroon, each vying for another term in office. In Togo, President Faure Gnassingbe pushed through a constitutional amendment that allows him to maintain power without facing reelection.

The 1990s dream of "strong institutions" has faded, says Tumba Alfred Shango Lokho.

"In most African nations strong men fight for power, and manipulate constitutions to stay in power," the Sorbonne-based historian told DW.

"That's Africa's biggest weakness. We need strong institutions."

French political influence wanes

Often, these institutions were modeled after France, says Basedau: "There is always presidentialism, which is significantly more authoritarian and presidential than in France, with its semi-presidential system. And many constitutions, of course with some differences, are based on the French model. One distinctive feature here is secularism — the strict separation of religion and state. One could even say that this has contributed to less religious discrimination in the region."

But some governments are actively pushing for separation from France. This is most evident in the Sahel, where coups and strong anti-France rhetoric led to the expulsion of French troops, relying instead on Russia as a security partner. The French military has also left bases in Chad, Senegal, and Ivory Coast, while their base in Gabon serves only to train local soldiers. The only remaining African country with a French military presence is Djibouti.

Basedau told DW that French policy toward Africa has historically sought to keep pro-French governments in power wherever possible. Cameroon is now one of the last remnants of this policy: "But we'll have to wait and see what happens when Paul Biya is no longer in power."

Close economic ties with France endure

Though French and Western political influence has waned, business connections between France and African states have stayed intact, especially regarding resource extraction. Supermarket chains, fuel stations, and telecommunications operators are still totally or partly in French hands.

Still in operation are the two West and Central African common currencies, often referred to collectively as the CFA franc. The system is regularly criticized as colonial because it the exchange rate is pegged to the euro and guaranteed by France, which means the countries using these currencies cannot decide their own monetary policy.

According to Basedau, this has eased inter-regional trade, saying: "The inflation rate in francophone Africa has actually been relatively low, compared to the former British territories."

Whether or not the closely integrated French approach had impeded economic development was not for him to judge, said Basedau.

Sixty-five years after independence, French-speaking African nations have gone their own way — and that is particularly true for many citizens. Data on remittances show how important the diaspora is. For instance, 110,000 Senegalese live in France, and remittances count for over 10% of Senegal's Gross Domestic Product (GDP). It is estimated that half of the money sent worldwide goes directly to rural people, who are often the poorest of the poor.

Over the past 65 years, in most francophone African countries, the proportion of people living in extreme poverty has declined, life expectancy has risen and infant mortality has fallen.

Contributions from Carole Assignon and Julien Adayé

Adapted from German by Cai Nebe